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Hanz Frank Dairy;Poles and Jews Became "Unequal Victims" Under Nazi-German Rule

Friday, April 28, 2017

Stanislaw Piotrowski, the only Polish delegate at the Nuremberg Trials (p. 6), gives the reader an introduction to Hans Frank. This Butcher rationalized the killings of Jews and Poles by comparing their deaths with those of Germans on the battlefield. (p. 56, 249, 277). This book, prominently featuring the destruction of the Jews, is yet another refutation of the silly myth that postwar Polish authors didn't differentiate between the martyrdoms of Polish Jews and Polish gentiles.

 

The Nazis practiced extensive cultural genocide against the Poles, and eventually murdered 2-3 million Polish gentiles, including much of the intelligentsia. Yet, contrary to the premise that the Germans were merely trying to stamp out Polish resistance, German officials admitted that Polish resistance was not limited to any identifiable subgroup (p. 59, 142), and that the "intelligentsia' was broadly defined. (p. 299).

In addition to the foregoing, the Germans employed various "passive"-genocidal techniques against the Polish population as a whole, as also elaborated by Lemkin. Frank described German-ruled Poland as a concentration camp (p. 95). Well put! The millions of Poles sent to the Reich were not there solely for labor, but also for the purpose of reducing the Poles' overall fertility. (p. 68, 154). The confiscation of Polish feedstuffs in the General Government was extreme (p. 272), so much so that the Polish population faced near-famine conditions (p. 93, 97-100, 109), leading to epidemics (p. 100, 252). This German policy, reminiscent of the initial "passive" destruction of Jews through enforced starvation and disease in the ghettos, was ameliorated only in the face of declining Polish productivity (p. 280), and the danger of massive unrest. (pp. 106-107, 281).

Many Holocaust materials create the impression that Poles lived quasi-normal lives. Instead, the severe privations faced by Poles help the reader understand why Poles didn't always aid Jews, and why Poles sometimes betrayed or killed fugitive Jews who were suspected of, or known to be, stealing from Poles.

SS Oberfuhrer Dr. Schoengarth concluded: "No people has ever before had to suffer such oppression as that being suffered by the Polish people..." (p. 283).

According to Frank, the complete extermination of Poles was stayed by the Reich's need for workers (p. 115), yet this could change: "Once we have won the war, then, for all I care, mincemeat can be made of the Poles and Ukrainians and all the others who run around--come what may..." (p. 297).

Accusations are often leveled nowadays, by self-appointed moralists, against the Catholic Church for being complicit with, or at least indifferent to, the Nazis' extermination of the Jews. Ironic to this, both Hitler and Frank believed that the Church and the Jews were in cahoots with each other against Germany--and had been so for decades! (p. 140, 330). Frank repeatedly accused the Polish Church of fostering anti-German sentiment (p. 137-140), for which he threatened dire consequences. (p. 216, 223). Obviously, the Polish Church was in no position to condemn the slaughter of Jews, nor the alleged Polish complicity in it!

Some recent authors (e. g., Jan T. Gross) insinuate that there was no Polish Quisling because the Germans never wanted one. This egregious falsehood is exploded by none other than SS Oberfuhrer Dr. Schoengarth: "There is not a single Pole who would now come forward and really work for the Government." (p. 142). Moreover, the Germans failed to secure Polish collaboration in even lesser matters. Piotrowski comments: "The attitude of broad sections of Polish society was so hostile to the Nazi invaders, that they also failed in their attempt in 1944 to form an `Antibolshevik League'. Nor were Frank and his subordinates successful in their attempt to persuade the members of the Main Welfare Council, called in German the `Main Polish Board' (Polnischer Hauptausschuss) publicly and openly to adopt a pro-Nazi position in their charitable work." (p. 143) Read more 3 comments| 5 people found this helpful. Was this review helpful to you?YesNoReport abuse 5.0 out of 5 starsHans Frank's Diary and the Refutation of Polonophobic Holocaust Myths ByJan Peczkison July 10, 2007 Format: Hardcover Stanislaw Piotrowski, the only Polish delegate at the Nuremberg Trials (p. 6), gives the reader an introduction to Hans Frank. This Butcher rationalized the killings of Jews and Poles by comparing their deaths with those of Germans on the battlefield (p. 56, 249, 277). This book, prominently featuring the destruction of the Jews, is yet another refutation of the silly contention that postwar Polish authors didn't differentiate between the martyrdoms of Polish Jews and Polish gentiles.

The Nazis practiced extensive cultural genocide against the Poles, and eventually murdered 2-3 million Polish gentiles, including much of the intelligentsia. Yet German officials admitted that Polish resistance was not limited to any identifiable subgroup (p. 59, 142), and that the "intelligentsia' was broadly defined (p. 299).

In addition to the foregoing, the Germans employed various "passive"-genocidal techniques against the Polish population as a whole, as also elaborated by Lemkin. Frank described German-ruled Poland as a concentration camp (p. 95). Well put! The millions of Poles sent to the Reich were not there solely for labor, but also for the purpose of reducing the Poles' overall fertility (p. 68, 154). The confiscation of Polish feedstuffs in the General Government was extreme (p. 272), so much so that the Polish population faced near-famine conditions (p. 93, 97-100, 109), leading to epidemics (p. 100, 252). This German policy, reminiscent of the initial "passive" destruction of Jews through enforced starvation and disease in the ghettos, was ameliorated only in the face of declining Polish productivity (p. 280), and the danger of massive unrest (pp. 106-107, 281).

Many Holocaust materials create the impression that Poles lived quasi-normal lives. Instead, the severe privations faced by Poles help the reader understand why Poles didn't always aid Jews, and why Poles sometimes betrayed or killed fugitive Jews who were suspected of, or known to be, stealing from Poles.

SS Oberfuhrer Dr. Schongarth concluded: "No people has ever before had to suffer such oppression as that being suffered by the Polish people..." (p. 283).

According to Frank, the complete extermination of Poles was stayed by the Reich's need for workers (p. 115), yet this could change: "Once we have won the war, then, for all I care, mincemeat can be made of the Poles and Ukrainians and all the others who run around--come what may..." (p. 297).

Accusations are often leveled nowadays against the Catholic Church for being complicit with, or at least indifferent to, the Nazis' extermination of the Jews. Ironic to this, both Hitler and Frank believed that the Church and the Jews were in cahoots with each other against Germany--and had been so for decades! (p. 140, 330). Frank repeatedly accused the Polish Church of fostering anti-German sentiment (p. 137-140), for which he threatened dire consequences (p. 216, 223). This refutes the ludicrous contention that the Polish Church should've condemned the slaughter of Jews, or at least the alleged Polish complicity in it!

Some recent authors (e. g., Jan Tomasz Gross) insinuate that there was no Polish Quisling because the Germans never wanted one. This egregious falsehood is exploded by none other than SS Oberfuhrer Dr. Schongarth: "There is not a single Pole who would now come forward and really work for the Government." (p. 142). Moreover, the Germans failed to secure Polish collaboration in even lesser matters. Piotrowski comments: "The attitude of broad sections of Polish society was so hostile to the Nazi invaders, that they also failed in their attempt in 1944 to form an `Antibolshevik League'. Nor were Frank and his subordinates successful in their attempt to persuade the members of the Main Welfare Council, called in German the `Main Polish Board' (Polnischer Hauptausschuss) publicly and openly to adopt a pro-Nazi position in their charitable work." (p. 143)
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