"It's difficult to admit the obvious"
political world


jan peczkis|Tuesday, April 12, 2016

THE JEWISH POLITICAL LOBBY IN POLAND is the title of this Polish-language book. This work focuses on specific Jewish organizations in Poland. However, this book goes far beyond the subject of Jewish influence in Poland. It also covers a lot of shared Polish-Jewish history. Because this work presents much information, I focus on a few items.

Zydowskie lobby polityczne w Polsce (Paperback) THE JEWISH POLITICAL LOBBY IN POLAND is the title of this Polish-language book. This work focuses on specific Jewish organizations in Poland. However, this book goes far beyond the subject of Jewish influence in Poland. It also covers a lot of shared Polish-Jewish history. Because this work presents much information, I focus on a few items.


Author Marian Miszalski points out that Jews were exempt from military service, in exchange for paying an extra tax. This gave them several advantages, apart from the avoidance of the risk of death, severe injury, and captivity that were faced by the nobility. Thus, unlike the nobility, the Jews could practice their commercial and governing activities without hindrance or interruption. (p. 36). In addition, the Jews often circumvented the payment of this extra tax. (p. 32).

The Jews, endowed with commercial monopolies, effectively became a privileged caste. King Casimir the Great allowed Jews to buy properties in the towns at the same time that the enserfed peasants were confined to the landed estates. (p. 37). Jews were also privileged with such tasks as printing money, collecting taxes, etc. Not surprisingly, they more quickly and more substantially enriched themselves than did the burghers. (p. 32).


Among Jewish political parties, the Bund, Kombund, Poale Zion, and assorted Jewish socialist parties, all supported Yitzhak Gruenbaum and the attempt to effectively make the Jews a “State within the State”—a Judeopolonia. This would have included Yiddish as an official language of Poland, with its use mandatory not only in government institutions, but also in schools and in government-funded cultural institutions (publishers, theaters, libraries, etc.). (pp. 144-145).

The author realizes that Communism, among Jews, was far broader than the Communist Party itself. For instance, among major Jewish political parties, the Bund was extensively penetrated by Communists, and often sided with them. The KOMBUND, an offshoot of the Bund, was openly Communist. So was the Cejre Syjon. The Poale Zion also frequently cooperated with the Communists. (p. 144).


Author Marian Miszalski takes strong umbrage at the perennial complaints about Polish pogroms (e. g, 1946 Kielce), as the chief pogromists were none other than the Jews themselves. The leadership of the hated Bezpieka (U. B.) was dominated by Jews, and was responsible for the murder of tens of thousands of Poles—all part of the Soviet imposition of the Communist puppet government on Poland. Jewish judges in the sham Communist courts also played a bloody role.

The case of General Emil Fieldorf “Nil” is instructive. (p. 93). His accusers were the Jews Benjamin Wajsblech and Fajga Mindla Danielak (Helena Wolinska). His murderers were the following Jewish judges: Emil Merz, Gustav Auscaler, and Wladyslaw Dymant. Other leading Jews directly involved in the murder of Fieldorf included Paulina Kern, Alicja Graff, and Marian Gurowska. “Nil” was not alone. There were over 500 other such cases. For instance, the directive of the court-ordered murder of Witold Pilecki was given by the Jew Leo Hochberg. (p. 93).

Quite a few prominent Jews in Poland today are part of the family of past Communist criminals. Adam Michnik is well known. Konstanty Gebert, a publicist in GAZETA WYBORCZA, is the son of Boleslaw Gebert, a Soviet agent in the USA. (p. 234).

THE JEWS IN 1968 AND IN 1989

Noted publicist Stefan Kisielewski had pointed out that, immediately after WWII, Jews had dominated Stalin’s Communist puppet government, and that this would one day sorely avenge itself on the Jews. (p. 92). That is exactly what happened when the ZYDOKOMUNA (Jewish Communists) were stripped of their power and privileges, in 1968, by the CHAMOKOMUNA (Polish boor Communists).

There was no sharp line between Stalinist and post-Stalinist Communism. Wojciech Jaruzelski had no problem with awarding Stalinist murderer Jakub Berman, with an ostentatious medal, in 1983. (p. 194, 198). It was under Jaruzelski’s watch that several prominent patriotic Catholic priests were murdered—not only Jerzy Popieluszko, but also Stefan Niedzielak, Stanislaw Suchowolec, and Sylvester Zych. (pp. 198-199).

In the 1980’s, Wojciech Jaruzelski, cognizant of developments in the USSR, came to realize that Communism was on its way out. (p. 194). As part of Jaruzelski’s tactical “power-sharing” strategy, there was a “reconciliation” between the remaining Jews and the Communists. (e. g, p. 257, 265). The latter had started to court the KOR element that had become the left wing of the Solidarity movement. The “reconciliation” process eventuated in the Round Table Agreement, and led to the GRUBA KRESKA (thick line), wherein the Communists escaped justice for their crimes, and got to function in the post-Communist governments in various capacities. An under-the-table deal enabled Adam Michnik to be put in charge of the left-wing and Judeocentric GAZETA WYBORCZA. (p. 195). Prominent Jews, such as George Soros and Jeffrey Sachs, walked off with billions of dollars in the post-Communist “economic transformation” of Poland. (pp. 228-230).


The author warns of the Judaization of Christianity. Miszalski contends that Pope John Paul II’s statement about Jews being the “older brothers in faith” of the Christians, has been greatly exaggerated, as Judaism is very different from Christianity. (p. 256, 267). For instance, according to Judaism, God promises the Jews land at the expense of other peoples. All the territory between Egypt and the Euphrates River will one day belong to the Jews. (Genesis 15:18). (p. 256). In Christianity, in contrast, the rewards are non-political, never at the expense of other people, and strictly in the afterlife. (p. 256).

Now consider ritual slaughter. In Judaism, it makes the meat kosher. According to Christian thinking, it is a barbaric practice because it causes suffering to the animal. (p. 252).

Finally, the Jewish-leftist/Church “dialogue” of the 1970’s, then intended to benefit both in the hostile Communist system, and once spoken favorably by Adam Michnik (p. 197, 204), is long gone. (p. 257). Miszalski suggests that the Jews are now allied, with the LEWICA LAICKA (secularist-left), as in the guise of “progressive” politics (p. 228), in the atheization of Poland. (p. 193). This includes attempts to marginalize the Church and to drive it out of public life—all in the guise of a “religious neutrality” (pp. 200-201). It also emphasizes the application of cultural Marxism (neo-Marxism)--with its political correctness, its demagoguery about “human rights”, its relativization of morality, its hostility to Poland’s patriotic institutions, and its agenda to transform the Poles into a vaguely self-defined, rootless people. (p. 201, 251, pp. 256-257).


In common with some Jewish authors, Miszalski suggests that, owing to the decline of Jewish religious practice, the Holocaust has effectively become a substitute religion among Jews, and that Jews have acquired a variety of implied privileges from this status. For instance, in Poland and in many other nations, the questioning of the Nazi genocide of Jews (Holocaust denial) is a punishable crime. In contrast, the questioning of the Turkish genocide of Armenians, or of the Soviet genocide of the bourgeoisie, etc., is not criminal at all. (p. 253).

The Holocaust has been elevated above the genocides of all other peoples, and the Jewish viewpoint on these matters has been elevated to an absolute that is exempt from questioning. Anyone who disagrees with this, or with left-wing ideology, is, of course, an anti-Semite, or, failing that, a nationalist, xenophobe or fascist. (p. 203, 241, 246, 264). In fact, these epithets have been so overused that they no longer have the desired effect. For this reason, Jewish groups now commonly file bogus complaints and lawsuits against those who engage in “hate speech”—that is, those whose points of view are not in harmony with the Jewish one. (pp. 264-265).

Author Marian Miszalski does not object to Jews having a certain narrative of events, but does take issue with Poles being forced to go along with this Judeocentric viewpoint. Thus, he objects to the Polish taxpayer monies funding of the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews (MUZEUM HISTORII ZYDOW POLSKICH) in Warsaw. What’s more, the POLIN Museum is decidedly nonobjective. The exhibits are all deafeningly silent on the centuries of Jewish self-imposed apartheid (my term), the Jews’ frequent siding with Poland’s enemies, the crucial and very disproportionate role of Jews in Communism and the murder of tens of thousands of Poles, etc. (pp. 232-233).


The author provides some historical background. When the Nazi German invaders and conquerors of Poland killed the Jews, they appropriated all Jewish property for themselves. When the Soviets imposed the Communist puppet government, the Nazi-appropriated post-Jewish properties simply became Communist-appropriated properties. Of course, the Communists, many of whom were Jews, also appropriated the properties of Poles. The re-privatization efforts after the end of Communism (1989) were fraught with corruption.

The reader should realize, to begin with, that the claims of the Holocaust Industry are completely bogus. Poles have no unrealized financial obligations to Jews whatsoever. Please click on, and read my detailed review, of Nie musimy placic Zydom!

The Jews have gotten billions of dollars of Holocaust-related reparations from Germany. Since the Jews have a good thing going, why not expand it? This cannot happen as long as the Germans are the only ones held responsible for the Holocaust. So there is a massive propaganda campaign, such as that featuring neo-Stalinist Jan T. Gross and Jedwabne, to falsify history by painting Poles as complicit in the Holocaust. (p. 258).

Leading Jewish propaganda outlets include the GAZETA WYBORCZA, radio Tok FM, TYGODNIK POWSZECZNY, and the monthly WIEZ. (p. 263). Jan T. Gross is made into a great moral authority and “historian”, the fraudster Jerzy Lewinkopf-Kosinski is spun as a great “writer”, Ryszard Kapuscinski assumes the status of a “prominent reporter”, and Zygmunt Baumann and Wlodzimierz Brus are transformed into great “scholars.” (p. 264).

Not surprisingly, the Germans very much like the shifting of blame to the Poles. It enables them to dilute their guilt—which of course is theirs alone. (pp. 258-259). It also reinforces the German hegemony, that exists over Poland by means of the European Union, as had been envisioned since at least the MITTELEUROPA Plan. The consequences are unmistakable. Poland has little heavy industry, and serves as a reservoir of cheap labor for Western Europeans. (p. 260).

Because legitimate Jewish financial claims against Poland have no basis in legal fact, certain Jewish groups have tried political tactics. They (notably HEART—Holocaust Era Restitution Taskforce) have attempted to circumvent the usual property-succession laws by making-up a racial (or racist) construct that would have us believe that one Jew is, by the very fact of being a Jew, entitled to financial restitution on behalf of a Holocaust-murdered Jew. (pp. 170-171). Not a single Jewish group has condemned this racist policy. (p. 262).

The activities of the Holocaust Industry, in Poland, as per so-called property restitution, have been shrouded in secrecy, and, what’s more, the subject has been avoided by the media, thus hiding it from Polish public opinion. These backroom deals reek of swindling, bribery, and government scandal. (p. 169, pp. 267-268). Not a single Jewish group has expressed an objection to this underhanded state of affairs. (pp. 169-171).

Starting in 2007, the Polish government has agreed to pay retirement benefits to elderly Holocaust survivors. This sets a dangerous precedent for Poland to eventually be pressured to pay more and more for German crimes and for the consequences of German crimes. (p. 192, 259).


The author cites various numbers, but, unfortunately, usually does not provide the sources of the information. He tells us that, after the failed January 1863 Insurrection, the Russians retaliated by deporting 250,000 Poles—notably landowners, burghers, and the clergy—to Siberia. (p. 88). There were only 650 Jews, out of some 25,000-30,000 soldiers, in Pilsudski’s Legion. (p. 88). In General Ander’s Army, there were about 120,000 soldiers, of whom 4,000 were Jews, and of which 3,000 deserted in Palestine. (p. 88). Finally, author Marian Miszalski supports the premise that far more Polish Jews survived WWII (400,000: p. 192), than is commonly acknowledged.
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